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An 

Anglo - American 
Reunion 



From An American Viewpoint 
DELOS R. BAKER 











An Anglo-American Reunion 


From An American Viewpoint 


DELOS R. BAKER 

H 


Published by D. R. Baker, 204 North 22nd St., Columbus, Ohio. 

Price by Mail, One Dime (Canadian or United States.) 

Six Copies to One Address, Fifty Cents. 

Price to the Trade, Seven Dollars Per Hundred, Net, Cash with 

Order. 


Columbus, Ohio: 

The F. J. Heer Ptg. Co. 
1913 






,g 

.G7l3ifc 


Copyright by Delos R. Baker, 
December, 1913. 

All Rights Reserved. 


'/ 0 

©CI.A357923 

*£-«/ 


An Anglo-American Reunion. 


In the current (September) number of The Nine¬ 
teenth Century (London), appears an article by J. El¬ 
lis Barker entitled, An Anglo-American Reunion. It 
undertakes to set forth three chief motives which, in 
his judgment, should impel the United States to form, 
during the coming year, a defensive alliance with Eng¬ 
land against all the rest of mankind. Mr. Barker 
views this important subject from a British angle. 

In this reply, the subject is regarded from an Amer¬ 
ican viewpoint, and an examination is attempted into 
the verity and the validity of these three chief mo¬ 
tives : and are set forth some considerations why such 
an alliance should not be formed. 

But first let us inquire, Who is Mr. Barker? and, 
Why was his article written? 

Mr. Barker, son of a physician, was born at Koln, 
Germany 43 years ago. Reared and educated at Koln, 
he removed some years ago to England, where he 
still resides. He is author of several books dealing 
with England’s international relations. He is one of 
the foremost champions of the political, military and 
naval federation of England and her self-governing 
colonies. To further this cause, he has written a 
widely circulated book entitled, Great and Greater 
Britain. Also he is a prolific writer for the periodical 
press of England on political and international con¬ 
cerns and interests. By his countrymen he is esteemed 
a man of light and leading, a political prophet to his 
generation, a steadier Stead. In some quarters it is 


3 



4 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


believed that he is an unofficial collaborator with the 
English government. Confirmatory of this belief is 
the fact that, in another London monthly, which, like 
The Nineteenth Century, is reprinted regularly in the 
United States, appears simultaneously with Mr. Bar¬ 
ker’s article, one by Sir Gilbert Parker M. P. on the 
same subject and advocating the same cause. 

Why were these articles written? Are they the 
skirmish line of a projected assault, in connection 
with British imperial federation, upon the continental 
independence of the United States? Are they written 
and published as feelers to test the sentiment of our 
people toward an English alliance, to find out how 
many of our citizens are American patriots, and how 
many are British Tories? The answer to this ques¬ 
tion, the coming months of the year 1914 may be ex¬ 
pected to reveal. No doubt we have many Tories 
among us, in Church and State, in Press and College, 
in Bank and Clearing-house; but the great multitude 
of us, ten to one, are North Americans, and seek for 
our country no other alliance than with Jehovah, God 
of our Fathers. 

* * * * 

The first of Mr. Barker’s three motives for an 
Anglo-American defensive alliance against all the rest 
of mankind is, Community of blood, speech and politi¬ 
cal institutions. Let us interrogate briefly this motive. 

Between the United States and England exists no 
predominant community of blood: none ever has ex¬ 
isted. 

In 1787, when the United States were born, the 
population of our New-England section was part Eng¬ 
lish, part French, part German, part Dutch, part Irish, 
part Indian, part African. Of the Anglo-Dutch-Ger- 


AN ANGLO-x\MERICAN REUNION. 


5 


man-Irish-Indian-African population of New York, 
less than half was English. That North-American 
patriot, Thomas Paine, writing in Philiadelphia in 
1775, declared that less than one-third of the popula¬ 
tion of Pennsylvania at that time was English. In 
Virginia, the African, Indian, French and Irish popu¬ 
lation outnumbered the English. The Carolinas were 
colonized by the French; and to this day in South 
Carolina the Africans outnumber the Whites of all 
bloods. The population of the later-acquired Gulf 
states was Spanish and French. The Anglo-Saxon 
blood was not conspicuous, and was much intermingled 
with the African. The territory we obtained from 
Mexico was Spanish-speaking. 

Since those early days, has poured into the United 
States a stream of foreign bloods from every part of 
Europe and Asia, English, Irish, Scotch, Scandi¬ 
navian, German, Russian, Danish, Dutch, Flemish, 
Swiss, Polish, Hungarian, Roumanian, Servian, Bul¬ 
garian, Montenegrin, Slavonian, Greek, Turkish, Ar¬ 
menian, Arab, Italian, French, Spanish, Portugese, 
Chinese, Japanese, Hindoo. We are become the 
most hybrid people on the face of the Earth; and are 
generously and hospitably proud of the fact. Only 
among the Appalachian highlands—the last retreat 
among us of illiteracy, feudism and moonshining—are 
Anglo-Saxons conspicuous in the population. In the 
whole United States in 1900, of the ten and one-half 
million of foreign-born, more than forty-two percent 
was German and Irish: only eight per cent was Eng¬ 
lish. It is not too much to say that the total number 
of Anglo-Saxons among us is less than one-twentieth 
part of our total population. 


6 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


Furthermore, in the United States, we Anglo- 
Saxons are a feeble, degenerate, disappearing strain 
of blood. We have lost both virility and fecundity, or 
else have mislaid them. We have ceased to have chil¬ 
dren. We leave child-bearing to our Africans and to 
our immigrant proletariat. We Anglo-Saxons in the 
United States are dying out. We are “The Last of 
the Mohicans”. 

If Mr. Barker thinks our people are Anglo-Sax¬ 
ons, he should walk down Broadway and read the 
names on the store-fronts. He should saunter 
through the Bowery with open eyes and ears and 
nostrils. Let him read the names in the poll-books of 
New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Cleve¬ 
land, Chicago, St. Louis, Milwaukee, St. Paul, Min¬ 
neapolis, New Orleans and San Francisco, and re¬ 
member that a large share of the English patronymics 
belong to Mulattos, Quadroons, Octoons, Sexdecoons, 
who bear no affection to their Anglo-Saxon ancestors 
of the days of slavery, and cherish no pride in their 
admixture of Anglo-Saxon blood. The farmers and 
market-gardeners of the United States are more than 
half German or of German descent. 

Between England and the United States exists no 
community of blood. 

We are a new people. Earth never saw our like 
before. Us and the land upon which Jehovah, our 
God, hath planted us, He hath dedicated alike to free¬ 
dom and to independence. We need no alliance with 
England. We seek none. 

* * * * 

Now as to Anglo-Saxon community of speech. 

In a general way, I think it may be conceded that 
most of us speak the American variety of English, en- 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


7 


turned in our noses full sweetly, after the school 
of Cohoes on the Hudson; for English of London 
(otherwise Cockney) is to us unknown. We speak a 
sort of English, it is true; but we have no great rev¬ 
erence for it. The fear of it is not before our eyes, 
nor in our hearts. We use it and misuse it very com¬ 
monly indeed, merely as a vehicle for the communica¬ 
tion of thought, or for the unconscious revelation of 
the lack of it. The way we monkey with the English 
language is something fierce. 

One would think that prudence would dictate to 
England not to force upon our attention at this time 
this Anglo-Saxon community of speech. It is indeed 
true that, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Arctic shore 
of Alaska, from the Southern delta of the Mississippi 
to the Northern delta of the Mackensie, from the Rio 
Grande to the North Pole, where, by the will of God 
and the persistent courage and fortitude of Captain 
Peary U. S. N. and of Mr. Matthew Henson U. S. A., 
has been planted the flag of the United States—from 
Gulf to Pole, North America is one in speech; just as 
also geologically and topographically the Mississippi- 
Mackensie valley is one from the Gulf to the Arctic 
ocean, and just as the Rocky Mountains are one to 
the very Arctic shore, and as the Atlantic coast is one 
from Key West to Smith sound, and as the Pacific 
coast is one from Lower California to Cape Nome. 
All this is true, no doubt; but why rally this linguistic 
fact to re-enforce these other analogous and prophetic 
facts, and to force it and them upon the attention of 
the people of the United States; especially at this 
time, when the march of English projects of imperial 
federation is giving all these facts more prominence in 


8 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


the serious attention of all our North-American 
patriots than England would be expected to desire? 

* * * * 

Now as to community of political institutions. 

It is news to us. 

We have no House of Lords, temporal nor spir¬ 
itual, reformed nor au naturel. We have no King; 

no Prince of whales; no Prime Minister; no First 

- £ 

Lord of the Bed-chamber; no Privy Council; no 
Grand Duke of the Privy Purse; no Lord Keeper of 
the Privy Seal; no Lord Groom of the Privy Unicorn; 
no Lord Feeder of the Privy Lion, and so on, the rest 
of the Privy Menagerie; no Laureate of the Royal 
Muse; no Primates, all nor singular; no Established 
Church; no glebes; no tithes; no tips; no rates nor 
curates; no chaplains in ordinary nor in extraordinary; 
no Haitches; no suffragettes; no Barts. We have no 
Lord Mayor; no Lord High Sherif; no Lord High 
Chancellor; no Lord Hidalgo, the higher you go, the 
higher the dalgos; no Knights of the Suspenders. We 
have no quinquennial, occasional, precarious, impredi- 
cable Parliament in unstable equilibrium; no royal 
prorogations nor royal dissolutions; no Front 
Benches; no sudden, unexpected and inconvenient 
elections at any old time in the year, it may be in 
ploughing-and-seeding time, or in haying or harvest 
or corncutting or husking, when one is heels over head 
in work and no help to be got for love nor money. 
We have no Marquises; no Righthons; no Seneschals; 
no Viscounts; no Barons of the Exchequer; no Vice¬ 
roys ; no—but we refrain: it is not our funeral, and 
spectators should not crowd the mourners. Suffice it 
to say that we have no political, ecclesiastical, judicial 
nor social flummery and mummery, fit to make the 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


9 


angels weep, and neither liking nor aptitude for that 
sort of ceremonial ostentation. Our politics, religion 
and society are the plainest ever. It is all in the day’s 
work, like digging potatoes on a frosty morning, or 
going to mill or to church or to the meeting of the 
grange or to the polls. After some years as Chief Ex¬ 
ecutive of the Family, one of us may become Chief 
Executive of the United States, and for a few more 
years, execute the Acts passed by the U. S. Congress, 
along with some other odd jobs pertaining to the of¬ 
fice, besides doing the Executive chores, night and 
morning. After that, he returns once more to the ex¬ 
alted office of Chief Executive of the Family and ex¬ 
ecutes faithfully his Wife’s errands to the corner 
grocery, mail-box and drygoods store, and all other 
Acts of the Domestic Congress. It is just plain bus¬ 
iness; all in the day’s work. But evil communications 
corrupt good manners; and there is no telling to what 
depths of fantastic pretentiousness we might sink, if 
we were to be abandoned to an alliance with England. 

No; instead of a community with the political 
institutions of England, we have a blessed immunity 
from them; and we will seek to preserve it. In politi¬ 
cal institutions, we of the United States have closer 
community with the brave, invincible young republic 
across the Pacific. 

* * * * 

Now we come to Mr. Barker’s second motive for 
allying ourselves with England against all the rest of 
mankind. This second impelling motive is gratitude. 
He argues that gratitude for the kindness which Eng¬ 
land ever has shown to us through all our past should 
lead us to requite her by making with her a defensive 
alliance against all the rest of mankind. Mr. Barker 


10 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


inventories these items of kindness shewn by England 
to the United States, and sets them forth in his article 
at some length. Let us go over them with him, one 
by one, and try to estimate the amount of gratitude 
which they entitle England to receive from us. 

Item i. England has fought us only twice in one 
hundred forty years. 

If for that we should be grateful to her, how 
much more grateful should we be to Germany; for in 
that time she has fought us not even once. On this 
score, if gratitude should make us consent to an al¬ 
liance with England, how much more should gratitude 
urge us to seek an alliance with Germany. And how 
could gratitude make us ally ourselves with England 
against Germany, to whom, in this very item, we owe 
a far greater debt of gratitude? Furthermore, how 
do we know that England in this matter has exercised 
toward us any praiseworthy self-denial such as should 
entitle her to our gratitude? Perhaps she did not 
want to fight us again. Who knows? Also, if Eng¬ 
land has fought us only twice in one hundred forty 
years, in that time we have fought her only twice; so 
on that score we are quits, and no gratitude due to 
either party from either. What we have said above 
of Germany is true also of Norway, Sweden, Russia, 
Denmark, Austria, Turkey, Italy, Switzerland, France, 
Spain (except for a little brush which amounted 
hardly to a reconnaisance in force, and interrupted 
frirendly relations for only a few weeks), Portugal, 
China, Japan and all of our neighbors and friends of 
the two Americas. How could we ally ourselves with 
England against all these who, than she, always have 
been far more friendly to us. 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNIO'N. 


II 


Item 2. Mr. Barker claims that England, 
through her foreign secretary Canning, was the author 
of our American doctrine of America for Americans; 
and that for this reason, we owe England a debt of 
gratitude which we should repay by making an alliance 
with her against all the rest of mankind. 

Is it true that England is the author of the Amer¬ 
ican Doctrine that America belongs to Americans? 
Passing by Thomas Paine’s Common Sense, and the 
Declaration of American Independence, neither of 
which originated with England, and antedated Can¬ 
ning’s foreign-secretaryship by nearly half a century; 
passing by Washington’s farewell counsel to his coun¬ 
trymen, which lays supreme stress upon the doctrine 
of America for Americans and abstention from for¬ 
eign entanglements; passing by the revolts of all the 
Central and South American colonies of Spain, which 
the United States rejoiced to behold as emancipating 
achievements of the conquering American Doctrine, 
we come, at length, in 1823, to Mr. Canning’s relation 
to the doctrine. 

At that time, and for a few years thereafter, Eng¬ 
land was opposed to a possible attempt of France, 
(under color of helping Spain to resubjugate her 
American colonies), to acquire possessions for herself 
either on the mainland of America or in the West 
Indies. Hence the English foreign secretary pro¬ 
posed to President Monroe that the United States and 
England should warn France, Spain and their Euro¬ 
pean allies to keep hands off the new-born republics 
of this Western hemisphere. Monroe accepted the 
suggestion, but declined, according to the already set¬ 
tled policy of the United States, any co-operation with 
England in the promulgation of this warning. It was 


12 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


an American concernment and beyond the jurisdiction 
of any European nation. In his message to Congress 
in December, 1823, President Monroe gave notice to 
the non-American world at large that it must keep 
hands off the infant republics of America, or else 
count the United States an enemy. It was a worthy 
declaration of the solidarity of the free, American re¬ 
publics in matters pertaining particularly and vitally 
to the American continent. The declaration was as 
plucky as it was generous and patriotic; and the peo¬ 
ple of the United States always justly have been 
proud of it. 

But that declaration concerning the infant re¬ 
publics which the United States, like a loving big 
brother took under its protection, was not, and is not, 
the American Doctrine: it was merely the application 
of the American Doctrine to a specific, particular, ac¬ 
cidental, evanescent case in point, which long ago lost 
any other than a historic interest. 

In another part of that same message, President 
Monroe did announce the essential and permanent 
American Doctrine, which for long has been called the 
Monroe Doctrine; but which no longer should be so 
named; since, now that the other American republics 
no longer are infants, but have attained their majority, 
it has become the doctrine of all the American re¬ 
publics, and they stand together as one in its defence. 
In that message, in 1823, President Monroe, at no sug¬ 
gestion from England’s Secretary, declared that this 
American continent no longer must be deemed open 
to foreign colonization, nor subject to foreign inter¬ 
ference of any kind. That is the essential American 
Doctrine, subscribed by every republic on the Ameri¬ 
can continent and by those in the West Indies. This 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


13 


American Doctrine, please God, will endure inviolate 
so long as the shores of this Western continent shall be 
washed by the waves of four great oceans. 

We have said that Mr. Canning had in mind no 
such doctrine as that, when he wrote to our Ambas¬ 
sador Rush on the subject of France and the Spanish 
colonies. When, at length in due course of ocean mail, 
he read it in President Monroe’s message, it made him 
sit up and take notice. He seized his pen and wrote, 
“England cannot acknowledge the right of any power 
to proclaim such a principle, much less to bind other 
countries to the observance of it. If we were to be 
repelled from the shores of America, it would not 
matter to us whether that repulsion were effected by 
the ukase of Russia excluding us from the sea, or by 
the new doctrine of the President prohibiting us from 
the land. We cannot yield obedience to either.” 

The longer Mr. Canning mused, the fiercer the fire 
burned. He wrote that the declaration was “very ex¬ 
traordinary” (it would have been worth the price of 
admission to see his face when he wrote that) and 
one which His Majesty’s government was “prepared 
to combat in the most unequivocal manner”. Lest we 
should forget it, he added that the right of coloniza¬ 
tion is one that, as heretofore, may be exercised “with¬ 
out affording the slightest umbrage to the United 
States”. So England’s Mr. Canning was not the 
author of the American Doctrine of America for 
Americans. The claim that he was its author is very 
extraordinary, and should be combatted in the most 
unequivocal manner. We owe England no gratitude 
on that score. 

* * * * 

That brings us to item three in Mr. Barker’s ar- 


14 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


gument that gratitude to England for past kindnesses 
should impel the United States to make an alliance 
with England against all the rest of mankind. 

Item 3. Mr. Barker says we owe England a debt 
of gratitude because, ever since its proclamation, she 
has been the consistent upholder of the American 
Doctrine; and because it has been England’s support 
which has caused that doctrine to be respected thus 
far by non-American nations. 

That is very extraordinary. 

We have seen above that England at once began 
to support the American Doctrine by preparing to 
combat it in the most unequivocal manner. On this 
point of England’s support of the American Doc¬ 
trine, searching down through American history since 
1823, we find that, in 1846, England still was support¬ 
ing the American Doctrine by combatting in the most 
unequivocal manner our possession of our territory of 
Oregon, inherited from Spain, explored, colonized and 
settled by the United States, and delimited by inter¬ 
national treaty between Russia and the United States, 
fixing the confine between Russian America and this 
country at parallel 54 degrees and 40 minutes North 
latitude. 

A few years later, England sent a fleet of war¬ 
ships to support the American Doctrine further by 
combatting in the most unequivocal manner our pos¬ 
session of the island of San Juan in Puget sound; but 
a company of United States soldiers met England on 
the shore of that island, and persuaded her to desist 
and to let us support the American Doctrine in that 
instance by upholding it in the most unequivocal 
manner. 

In 1861, England supported the American Doc- 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


15 


trine, suo more, by escorting with her fleet Spain over 
to San Domingo and France over to Mexico, and bid¬ 
ding them help themselves to anything in sight; and 
if they did not see what they wanted, to ask for it. 

In 1895, England still was supporting the Ameri¬ 
can Doctrine, suo more, by stealing a few thousand 
square miles and the mouth of the Orinoco from our 
sister American republic of Venezuela; but the United 
States came to Venezuela’s help; and the two jointly 
persuaded England to give over, in that instance also, 
her peculiar style of supporting the American Doc¬ 
trine. 

The fact is that England never has accepted the 
American Doctrine, always has been its persistent 
enemy; and today, with her resident Asiatic partner, 
Japan, is the only enemy of the American Doctrine on 
the face of the Earth. 

We owe England no gratitude for her support of 
the American Doctrine. Under God, the republics of 
this Western continent, their non-interference in the 
affairs of other continents, and the good-will of all 
the other nations of mankind (except only England 
and her Asiatic partner) are the sufficient support of 
the American Doctrine, always have been, and, please 
God, always will be. Listen to brave little San Do¬ 
mingo when, in 1865, she persuaded the last Spanish 
soldier to re-embark for Spain. After four years of 
heroic and invincible resistance of the Spanish in¬ 
vader, and after untold suffering and privation, she 
exclaims: “The united Dominican people, without re¬ 
gard to rank or color, have planted the white cross of 
the Republic upon the principle enunciated by the 
great mother of free nations that America belongs to 


1 6 AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 

Americans; and we will endure all our trials over 
again sooner than desert it”. 

* * * * 

That brings us to item four in Mr. Barker’s ar¬ 
gument that gratitude should impel the people of the 
United States to form a defensive alliance with Eng¬ 
land against all the rest of mankind. 

Item 4. During our civil war, England did not 
join France in intervention for the disruption of the 
United States. 

What are the facts? 

In September, 1862, after McClellan’s disastrous 
campaign on the peninsula and after the second Union 
defeat at Bull Run, when the victorious Confederates 
were advancing unopposed into Maryland and against 
Washington, which was almost defenseless; when 
Lord Palmerston, England’s Prime Minister, was ex¬ 
pecting by next American mail (it took nearly or quite 
two weeks for news from the United States to reach 
London) news of the capture of Washington or Bal¬ 
timore or both—; at this darkest hour of the Union 
cause, he and Lord Russell, England’s Foreign Secre¬ 
tary, formulated a proposal for intervention between 
the North and the South, including a six-month’s 
armistics on land and sea, during which the blockade 
should be raised, and three hundred million dollars 
worth of arms, ammunition, supplies and ships for 
the Confederate navy could be sold to the Confederacy 
by England and France, in exchange for the bumper 
cotton crop of 1861; which, at the end of the ar¬ 
mistice, if war should be resumed, would be worth at 
Liverpool and Hlavre one billion dollars. With this 
help from England and France, the Confederacy would 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


17 


be enabled to achieve independence, and the United 
States would be dissevered. 

This proposal, when formulated (of course, not 
in these terms) by Lords Palmerston and Russell, was 
sent to Paris to be issued from the French foreign of¬ 
fice as France’s proposal to England and Russia for a 
joint intervention. The plan worked all right; and 
about Sept. 16, from across the Channel, the proposal 
arrived in London. Sept. 23, a meeting of the English 
cabinet was held to consider England’s proposal to 
France and Russia (ostensibly France’s proposal to 
England and Russia). Meanwhile, (Sept. 17) the 
battle of Antietam had been fought; the Confederates 
had retreated to Richmond; and Washington was un¬ 
captured; but the news had not yet reached London. 
Meanwhile also (Sept. 17) our Ambassador Adams 
had given Lord Russell to understand that interven¬ 
tion would mean war with the United States. The 
English cabinet was in a quandary, and adjourned, 
pending receipt of news from the United States that 
Washington was captured, and from Russia that she 
would join England and France in intervention. 

At length the news arrived from the United 
States that Washington was intact, and from Russia 
that she would not join in intervention. Intervention 
no longer looked so feasible nor so attractive. 

Finally (Oct. 12, about one month after receipt 
of the proposal), at an adjourned meeting of the cabi¬ 
net, Lord Russell (as reported by Mr. Gladstone, who 
was a member of the cabinet, and an enthusiastic sup¬ 
porter of intervention) “turned tail” on the proposal, 
and received “but half-hearted support” from Lord 
Palmerston. At this meeting, a reply was adopted in 


l8 AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 

which England “recognized with pleasure” France’s 
proposal. It would have been a wonder if they had 
not recognized it; it was their own homing pigeon. In 
the reply, England agrees to stand with France in this 
matter, as France had stood with England in the af¬ 
fair of the Trent. But, “after weighing all the in¬ 
formation which has been received from America (it 
was very weighty information), her Majesty’s govern¬ 
ment are led to the conclusion that there is no ground 
at the present moment (this phrase, “at the present 
moment” or “at the present time”, or “now”, occurs 
five times in four consecutive sentences) to hope that 
the Federal government would accept the proposal 
suggested; and a refusal from Washington at the 
present time would prevent any speedy renewal of the 
offer. Her Majesty’s government think, therefore, 
that it would be better to watch carefully the progress 
of opinion in America; and if, as there appears rea¬ 
son to hope, it may be found to have undergone, or 
may undergo hereafter, any change, the three courts 
might then avail themselves of such change to offer 
their friendly counsel with a greater prospect than 
now exists of its being accepted by the two contending 
parties. 

“Her Majesty’s government will communicate to 
that of France any intelligence they may receive from 
Washington or Richmond bearing on this important 
subject”. 

In short, England accepted her own proposal, and 
postponed the date for its going into operation, mean¬ 
time keeping in touch with France while awaiting the 
favorable moment. This is that proposal which U. S. 
Consul-General Moore says “England promptly and 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


19 


unqualifiedly declined”. The document speaks for 
itself. 

The favorable opportunity, thank God, never 
came. A few months later Gettysburg was fought, 
and Vicksburg surrendered; and the chance for inter¬ 
vention was gone forever. 

The United States, neither North nor South, owes \ 
England any gratitude for her conduct toward either 
section during our civil war. England enticed and in- 
viegled the South into secession by unofficial promises 
of recognition, support and intervention by England 
and France acting conjointly. England kept the word 
of promise to the ear to break it to the hope. Not till 
midsummer, 1863, did the South finally despair of 
Anglo-French intervention. England, after preparing 
intervention, dared not intervene. The story of Eng¬ 
land’s attitude and conduct toward the United States 
in its fearful struggle to maintain the Union, is known 
to all mankind, and to none better than to our own 
people. 

Mr. Barker was ill-advised to bring that subject 
into this discussion. On this account, so far from grati¬ 
tude leading us to ally ourselves with England against 
all the rest of mankind, gratitude should lead us to ally 
ourselves with all the rest of mankind against Eng¬ 
land. Listen to Prussia for instance: Berlin, May 8, 
1861. Ambassador Judd writes to Secretary Seward. 
“Baron Schleinitz, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
gave me the most positive assurance that this govern¬ 
ment, from the principle of unrelenting opposition to 
all revolutionary movements, would be one of the last 
to recognize any de facto government of the disaffected 
States of the American Union!” Under date of May 
15, Ambassador Judd writes, “Baron Schleinitz in- 


20 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


formed me that, in his opinion, no apprehension need 
be entertained as to Prussian subjects engaging under 
the authority of the so-called Confederate States in 
fitting out privateers, or in any manner interfering 
with our commerce.” Under date of May 26, Mr. 
Judd writes to Mr. Seward, “Prussia will take efficient 
steps to sustain the government of the United States 
in the protection of property and commerce; and will 
do all she can consistently with her obligations to other 
governments, to sustain the vigorous action of our 
government in maintaining law and order.” 

Listen to Belgium: “The revolution will receive 
no sanction by any act of Belgium”. And so of others. 
Russia was a preeminently conspicuous friend of the 
United States throughout the civil war. Should grati¬ 
tude to England for her active enmity toward us dur¬ 
ing the civil war lead us to ally ourselves with her 
against Prussia, Russia, Belgium and all the other 
friendly nations of mankind? 

* * * * 

\ 

Item 5. England refused to join the rest of 
Europe in intervention during our Spanish-American 
war in 1898. 

There was no Spanish-American war. We sent 
fifteen thousand soldiers to help the Cubans drive the 
Spaniards out of that island. There was one brief en¬ 
gagement at Santiago. Our killed in both army and 
navy throughout the whole “war” were fewer than 
those of the Afghans in the battle of Penjdeh( during 
the Anglo-Russian delimitation of the northern 
boundary of Afghanistan in 1885), which 'England 
and Russia agreed to regard as merely “a regrettable 
incident”. The calling out by the United States of 
an army of two hundred thousand men was a piece of 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


21 


very costly and very ridiculous folly, which con¬ 
tributed to the gaiety of all the warstaffs of Europe. 
We need not have called out a single man, nor have 
incurred a dollar of debt. All that was necessary was 
to blockade the Cuban ports and throw a few thousand 
regular troops into the island, and keep them and the 
patriot army well supplied through open communica¬ 
tions. The Cubans already had the Spaniards penned 
up in the ports. 

Europe never thought of intervening. It was an 
American question: we were not trying to drive Spain 
out of the Minorcas. Europe is not in the intervening 
business when a great power is at war. If in our re- 
gretable incident, England did not intervene, she had 
her own reasons for non-intervention; and they were 
ample justification of the prudence of her conduct in 
that particular. If she had any thought of interven¬ 
tion, she was the only European power that had. We 
owe her no gratitude in that item. 

* * * * 

We now have dealt with all of Mr. Barker’s 
causes for gratitude of the United States toward 
England. No; we had forgotten: 

Item 6. The people of the United States should 
be grateful to England for fighting us in the war of 
the revolution; for if she had not fought us, we would 
not have become a nation. Perhaps no comment is 
needed upon this item. We will be hard up for causes 
of gratitude when we adopt that one. 

* * * * 

Next we take up Mr. Barker’s third and last line 
of argument: To make at this time a defensive alli¬ 
ance with England against all the rest of mankind, is 
to the interest of the United States. 


22 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


I. Mr. Barker says that it is to our interest first; 
because, with our very small army and feeble navy, 
we must have the aid of England to maintain the 
American Doctrine of America for Americans. 

Heretofore England has helped maintain this doc¬ 
trine by combatting it “in the most unequivocal man¬ 
ner”. For ninety years, the American Doctrine has 
survived that kind of assistance on the part of Eng¬ 
land. The American continent numbers manier than 
one hundred fifty million American patriots ready to 
die at a minute’s notice for this their native or adopted 
continent; and the American continent is filling up at 
the rate of three or four million people a year. But 
though each American patriot will stand and die, if 
need be, for God and home and country, we do not 
depend upon that alone for the defense of the Amer¬ 
ican Doctrine. This doctrine is automatic, and de¬ 
fends itself. So long as we keep out of the affairs of 
the other continents, they, in their turn, have no cause, 
nor occasion, nor interest to meddle with the affairs of 
this continent. Besides, under God, America feeds 
and clothes the world. That is an unnatural child that 
beats the breast that nourishes it. But above all else, 
from our hearts we say, in the words of an English 
hymn sung in millions of American homes: 

Thus far the Lord hath led us on. 

Thus far His power prolongs our days. 

And every evening doth make known 

Some fresh memorial of His grace. 

This American continent, consecrated to God and 
to f reedom at great price of glad-spilt, patriot blood, is 
in the care and keeping of Jehovah, God of Hosts, 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


23 


The American Doctrine, please God, will survive for 
all time, without any further aid from England. 

* * * * 

2. Mr. Barker says that a defensive alliance with 
England against all the rest of mankind is to our in¬ 
terest ; because, with so many and so valuable recently- 
acquired possessions, separated from us by intervening 
waters, we need the English navy to help hold them 
against an envious world. It ill becomes the ally of 
Japan to utter a word upon this subject. If we lose 
any or all of our possessions in the Pacific, it will be 
after the annihilation of our navy; and the bill will be 
presented to England on the point of a bayonet. 

* * * * 

I believe this concludes Mr. Barker’s argument, 
except a string of quotations from our Admiral Ma¬ 
han, whose opinion on the advantageous union of the 
two fleets (England’s and ours) is the expert judg¬ 
ment of a very competent authority upon the smallest 
and least important part of this subject; and amounts 
to saying that two modern fleets united are more pow¬ 
erful than either one alone—a statement which, es¬ 
pecially when upheld by so high an authority, few, I 
suppose, will be prepared to controvert. 

* * * * 

But incidentally Mr. Barker brings into discus¬ 
sion the relation of Canada, on the one hand, to Eng¬ 
land, and, on the other, to the United States. 

That is a subject which we of the United States 
do not discuss, except privately among ourselves. We 
do not discuss it with non-American and non-English 
nations; because it does not specially concern them. 
We do not obtrude it upon the attention of England; 
because hitherto the time to do so has not arrived. 



24 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


But, since Mr. Barker has introduced the subject into 
public discussion of the relations which he thinks 
should exist between the United States and England; 
and inasmuch as he and Sir Gilbert Parker and Lord 
Haldane may be supposed to be unofficial spokesmen 
for the English government, perhaps, at length, the 
time has come when the subject of Canadian relations 
to the American continent, on the one hand, and to 
the British empire, on the other, ought to be opened 
up in a frank and truthful representation. But first 
let us hear Mr. Barker: 

“Great Britain’s refusal to countenance European 
aggression (against the United States) even passively 
has sprung from her race instinct, not from her fear 
of losing Canada. In the first place, the United States 
would not have any cause to attack Canada, if Great 
Britain had merely maintained a strict neutrality in 
the event of war between the United States and some 
European power or powers. Secondly, the United 
States would not find it very easy to conquer the Do¬ 
minion. Last, and not least, it must not be forgotten 
that, while the continental powers never could obtain 
Great Britain’s support against the United States, 
Great Britain herself would probably very readily re¬ 
ceive the support of the continental powers against 
the great republic, were she at war with that country. 
If, for instance, President Cleveland’s high-handed ac¬ 
tion in regard to Venezuela in 1895 should unhappily 
have led to an American attack upon Canada, Great 
Britain need not have stood alone. That fact should 
be borne in mind by all those, on both sides of the 
Atlantic, who believe that Great Britain’s attitude to¬ 
ward the United States is dictated by her fear of 
losing Canada.” 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


25 


To every one conversant with American history, 
it must be obvious that Canada and the Guianas oc¬ 
cupy on the American continent an awkward and an¬ 
omalous position. All the other nations of the con¬ 
tinent are American: these alone are European aliens. 
It is impossible that such a state of things should en¬ 
dure forever. Canada eventually must cease to be 
European and must become American. For nearly a 
century and a half, the United States has waited pa¬ 
tiently for this transformation to take place. For 
nearly a century, the other American republics also 
have waited with exemplary patience for this conver¬ 
sion to American fellowship. If the world would 
stand still meanwhile, the United States and her sister 
American republics could wait another century, if need 
be, for Canada to make up her mind to become Amer¬ 
ican. But the world does not stand still, and will not. 

Canada has arrived at that place in her history 
and development when she must decide for or against 
active membership in a British imperial federation. 
Canada must know, or if she does not know it, she 
should be told, that never will she be permitted, by 
active membership in any such unAmerican federation, 
to link up this American continent with the political 
struggles and political destinies of the other continents. 
Before she will be allowed to do that, she will have to 
fight and overcome every American republic, begin¬ 
ning with the United States, and ending with little 
Haiti. The American republics have no objection to 
the British imperial federation. So far as it concerns 
other continents, it is none of our business; but if it 
undertakes to include territory on this American con¬ 
tinent, it becomes at once a very important and urgent 
part of the business of all the American republics. 


26 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


God helping us to prevent it, it never shall include 
Canada nor British Guiana. It may take in Australia 
and New Zealand, and even South Africa, if Africa 
shall permit; but it must keep off the American con¬ 
tinent. 

Of course, it follows that Canada never will be 
permitted to take England’s side in a European war, 
any more than the United States would be permitted 
to participate in any such European struggle. Canada 
was permitted to send troops to the Boer war; because 
that was a domestic controversy, concerning only Eng¬ 
land and her colonies; but if England should go to war 
with some European power, Germany, for instance, the 
United States, backed by all the other American re¬ 
publics, would forbid and prevent the participation of 
her Northern neighbor therein. Canadian battleships, 
steaming to join the British fleet in the North Sea, 
would meet the navy of the United States before los¬ 
ing sight of American shores. The dispatch of Cana¬ 
dian troops to augment England’s expeditionary force 
in Belgium or wherever, would be followed imme¬ 
diately by the invasion of Canada by the army of the 
United States. 

The free and independent people of this Western 
continent, God helping us, will maintain for this con¬ 
tinent that secure, detached and undisturbed political 
position in which Almighty God, in His favoring prov¬ 
idence, has placed it: and no North-American Ulster 
will be permitted to import alien wars into our midst. 
An independent and American Canada and the United 
States could live peacefully and happily side by side 
for a thousand years, with no ship of war between 
them from the Lake of the Woods to the straits of 
Belle Isle; and no fort nor sentineled musket from the 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


27 


Lake of the Woods to Puget Sound. But an active 
partner in a British imperial federation cannot live 
peaceably beside the United States for one day. If 
this scheme of British imperial federation is to be 
pressed, Canada has come to the parting of the ways. 
She will have to become American, or else carry her 
British affiliations to some other and more congenial 
continent. 

* * * * 

But why must Canada take this fatal step? Why 
part peaceful and prosperous company with the United 
States, after a hundred years of unbroken fellowship? 
Why look for defense and safety, under God, beyond 
the tie which links together all the nations of this 
Western hemisphere, and enlists a whole continent in 
defense of any imperiled nation thereof ? Why desert 
Jehovah, who thus far has brought you and led you on 
from strength to strength? Is His arm shortened, 
that it cannot save? Or His ear heavy, that it cannot 
hear? 

* * * * 

Our French brothers of Quebec, may we address 
ourselves to you, to beg you take not this step. We 
are American brethren. You and our New-England- 
ers are cousins of the blood. We have intermarried 
together. We are at home on your side of the St. 
Lawrence: you are at home on ours. You are build¬ 
ing a bridge at Quebec to facilitate and increase this 
happy intercourse between us. Our hearts are one. 
Every morning we kneel together and together pray, 
Pater noster qui in Coelum. Can you not, our Chris¬ 
tian brothers, can you not trust God, our Father, to 
have you and your country ever in His holy care and 
keeping? Oh, why, for succor, must you turn from 


2 8 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


Him, and look across the chill and inhospitable seas 
to the alien isle of the age-long foe, on this continent 
and throughout the world, of la Belle France? For 
a hundred years, we have shared your joys and sor¬ 
rows. We have rejoiced in your prosperity; and you 
have rejoiced in ours. In time of trial and bereave¬ 
ment we have mingled our tears together. 

Our hearts bled with yours when, in 1885, on the 
plains of the Saskatchewan and in its coulees, Louis 
Riel’s brave half-breeds and Indians, armed only with 
old Hudson-Bay-Company muskets, were massacred 
by hundreds by the soldiers of England, armed with 
modern artillery and Gatling guns and repeating rifles. 

What was their crime? 

They had begged England, through her govern¬ 
ment at Ottawa, to grant them a home, a little and 
very humble home, in the land which Jehovah their 
God had given to them, and not to England. For this 
crime in the sight of England, they had to die. What 
was their humble petition, as formulated for them by 
their educated brother, Louis Riel? Listen O Earth. 
Give ear O Heaven, to this pitiful request. 

Out of half a continent, an area of three and one- 
half million square miles, nearly as large as all of 
Europe—out of this half continent, which belonged to 
them by birth and inheritance, and of which England 
had robbed them, they begged that they might be per¬ 
mitted to retain: 

1. Two hundred forty acres (worth 25 cents an 
acre, $60 for the two hundred forty acres) for each 
head of a family, and for each child. 

2. One-half million acres (worth $125,000) to 
be sold by the government to provide a fund, whose 
interest should be expended to provide hospitals, or- 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


29 


phanages and schools, and to furnish ploughs and seed 
for such of their number as were too poor to obtain 
them. 

3. One hundred townships (say 2500 square 
miles) of then worthless swamp land (muskeg) “not 
likely to be settled for a long time” (Riel’s words) to 
be set aside for half-breed children yet to be born dur¬ 
ing the then next following 120 years. The total of 
these three would be less than 8000 square miles out 
of three and one-half million square miles—less than 
the one four-hundredth part of their own half-con¬ 
tinent. 

Also, through their brother, Louis Riel, they asked 
England, through her government at Ottawa, to con¬ 
tribute $1000 yearly “to sustain an establishment of 
nuns in each place where many half-breed families are 
established. Also an amelioration of the conditions of 
labor asked from the Indians, and a greater care of 

their persons, so as to prevent them dying with hun- 

_ »> 

ger . 

This was the whole of their humble request to Eng¬ 
land, through her government at Ottawa. It was not 
demanded of England’s justice; it was begged, meekly 
begged, of England’s mercy. 

After seven long, hard years of much suffering 
from hunger and sickness and many deaths, during 
which time this request frequently was repeated, with¬ 
out receiving any reply, nor even any attention, from 
England, through her government at Ottawa, the half- 
breeds and Indians, despairing of either justice or 
mercy, at length knelt before their cabins and wig¬ 
wams, lifted their hands in dedication to God and 
Holy Church, to home and family and native land, 
picked up their poor old Hudson-Bay muskets, and 


30 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


rose to go and die in as holy a cause as ever required 
and received a patriot’s devotion. 

Between Hudson-Bay muskets on one side, and 
shrapnel shells and Gatling guns and repeating rifles 
on the other, could be no battles. There were three 
engagements, massacres they should be named, in 
which altogether 53 soldiers were killed and 129 
wounded. How many hundred Indians and half- 
breeds fell, is known only to the just and righteous 
God who marks even the sparrow’s fall. 

The soldiers, like those on Calvary, had their re¬ 
ward. Louis Riel had asked for only 240 acres each 
for his half-breed and Indian brothers; each volunteer 
in this campaign received 320 acres. 

Louis Riel, who had surrendered as prisoner of 
war, was taken to Regina. There he was tried by 
an English colonel, condemned by an English jury of 
six, and was sentenced to death. The Privy Council 
of England, appealed to by practically all of you peo¬ 
ple of Quebec, refused to intervene. And on Novem¬ 
ber 16—a date you French Canadians ever should 
hold in sacred recollection,—about the sixth hour, 
with eight of his Indian brothers and compatriots, 
kissing the holy cross and forgiving his enemies, in 
the bleak barrack yard at Regina, like God’s own pa¬ 
triot Son on Calvary, Louis Riel, too, was hanged for 
loving his fellow men. 

The souls of Louis Riel and his brother French 
and Indian Canadians, who died for God and home 
and loved ones and native land, are with the holy 
martyrs before the throne of God; but their blood 
still crieth unto Him from the ground. 

Quebec, have you forgotten—can you ever forget 
that true-hearted, French Canadian patriot, that loyal 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


31 


son of Holy Church, that martyr of liberty, your 
brother, Louis Riel? Oh let us adjure you by his 
memory, go not with the enemies of your country to 
make this federation with England, your age-long 
foe, a federation which can bring only alienation and 
estrangement between you and us, and war between 
Canada and the United States. 

* * * * 

And you, our brothers of Ontario, how can we 
dissauade you from the fatal step you have in con¬ 
templation ? What have we done, or left undone, that 
you should desire to desert our company? We speak 
a common tongue. We cherish a common literature. 
We read the same Bible. We bow at the same altar— 
one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and Father 
of us all. No ship of war vexes the waters between 
us, of Ontario or Erie, of Huron or Superior. We 
have not crossed over against you in anger. You 
have not crossed over against us. The blessed peace 
of God, which passeth all understanding, hath kept 
our hearts and minds in amity and friendship. God 
has blessed you with the blessings of the heavens 
above and of the deep that lieth under: His blessings 
have prevailed even unto the everlasting hills. He 
has planted you in a goodly land prepared for you 
from the foundation of the world. 

You have seen Him sever, one by one, the po¬ 
litical ties which have bound this continent to Europe, 
till now yours alone remains. Are you not afraid, in 
this scheme for imperial federation with England, lest 
haply you be found fighting against God? 

If American independence lay deep in the loving 
and provident thought of Jehovah, while long yet this 
continent lay as deep in the bosom of a shoreless sea; 


32 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


if American independence still was in His loving pur¬ 
pose when he lifted the granite-hearted Laurentian 
Vee out of the waves, like Ararat above the flood; 
if American independence still was His care, while, in 
the silent and solitary geologic ages, whose seconds 
were measured by the revolutions of distant Neptune, 
He shaped and fashioned with happy industry this 
meridional continent to become the future home of 
His children long yet unborn; if American inde¬ 
pendence still lay upon Jehovah’s trestle-board, or 
ever yet there was a manchild upon the Earth, He 
stored this then forming land with coal and salt and 
lime and iron and nickel, with tin and zinc and lead, 
with copper and silver and gold, and in His mud 
laboratory beneath the waters of an interior sea, He 
distilled an exhaustless supply of oil and gas, and 
sealed it hermetically away for the use and comfort 
of His children long yet to appear upon the scene; 
if at length, in the long fullness of time, he brought 
American independence into experimental and 
prophetic existence, when races of mankind, whose 
origin and history long since have perished, here lived 
and died and passed away uncowed by foreign domi¬ 
nation and unexploited by foreign greed, to be suc¬ 
ceeded by the red, roving sons of freedom; if, after 
a whelming tidal wave of European aggression and 
tyranny and robbery had submerged the continent and 
again had receded into the political depths, washing 
the continent clean for a new and better American 
independence, more generous, more beneficent, more 
hospitable, Jehovah Himself has superintended its 
political erection upon this continent never to be de¬ 
molished, but to shelter, protect and bless His children 
for a thousand generations, what is man, the fleeting 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


33 


insect of a moment, to withstand and rebuke the 
eternal counsels of Jehovah? 

Ever widening and deepening, you have seen 
American independence flow on from Cape Horn be¬ 
tween the spreading coasts, submerging the pampas 
of the La Plata and the Amazon and the forest plains 
of the Orinoco and the Magdalena, crossing the Gulf 
and its island palisades, flowing still on with mightier 
volume, overtopping the Alleghenies and coming at 
length to you. This is that stream which Ezekiel saw 
and traced up to the gate of the temple, and which 
the seer of Patmos followed still on and up to the 
very throne of God. Everything liveth where the 
sweet waters of this holy river come. Think you 
that you can stop its onward course ? / Accept it, and 
it will bless your land and you, like the smile of God. 
Resist it, and it will overwhelm you and sweep you 
away, like the slaveborn generations of the children 
of men in the days of Noah, to make room for the 
freeborn family of the sons of God.* 

* * * * 

And you too, our brother farmers of the big and 
breezy West, what shall we say to you? Together 
we have ploughed our fields and drilled our grain. 
Together we have reaped our harvests. The only 
strife between us has been the happy and Heaven- 
crowned rivalry as to which should become the greater 
blessing to mankind. In the swift days and nights 
of the recent geologic past, when, with the warm 
waters of the equatorial Atlantic, running swift and 
free from the Gulf to the Arctic, Jehovah ploughed 
out this gigantic trough, and, later in an inland sea, 
spread this glorious, wind-swept plain, more than two 


34 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


thousand miles across from the northern Appalachian 
chain to the Rocky mountains, every foot of it fertile 
as the garden of the Lord, He meant it all, from 
North to South, from East to West, for the home of 
freemen, no less than for the granary of mankind. 

In the fulness of time, in these last days, from 
many lands, He has brought us to live together in 
peace upon it, and to become co-workers with Him 
in feeding the human race. And so in us all the 
nations of the Earth are blessed. Are we not one in 
our appointed task, one in our common destiny? 
Jehovah hath erected no barrier between us. Our 
confine is imaginary, an invisible line in the viewless 
air. We cross it and re-cross it as freely and as 
unwittingly as the birds in the sky. We fain would 
be brothers with you for a thousand years, in the 
happy fellowship of common toil mid rain and wind 
and sunshine beneath the open sky. 

v But how can we remain brothers, or even friends, 
with those who are seeking to carry our common 
American destinies into European and Asiatic com¬ 
plications, and into foreign perils? We love you; 
but better we love our God and the continent which 
He hath given us. How can we forget that, of your 
own free will, you are choosing to become an alien 
and hostile people upon the continent of your nativity 
or adoption? All the rest of us, from Lake Superior 
to Cape Horn, are American freemen: you choose to 
be, and to remain, European bondmen. We are free 
citizens of free nations on a free continent: upon 
American soil, you kneel to an alien monarch, and 
supplicate a foreign throne. / 

You are worthy of a higher and nobler allegiance. 
Why don’t you rise up, and assume that separate and 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 35 

equal station among the nations of mankind to which 
the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle you? 
Why don’t you become as American as your soil? 
Why don’t you stand up in the divine right of your 
own manhood, with brow bared to the free winds 
that sweep at will for a thousand miles across this 
treeless plain, and become as free as they? Why 
don’t you take out your continental naturalization 
papers, and cease to be an alien government upon 
American soil? 

Oh, it strikes a sick repugnance to our hearts to 
see you gather under a foreign, an alien, and a hostile 
flag, the flag of the enemy and oppressor of mankind. 
It is red with the blood of slaughtered patriots of 
every land and clime of Earth. We love our flag; 
for, under God, it is ours. How can you love the flag 
which is not yours but England’s? To us our flag 
is an uplifting inspiration, the beautiful symbol of a 
free nation, which knows no king but Jehovah, and 
has no greater desire than to be made a blessing to 
all the peoples of the Earth. To you Americans the 
alien flag of England must be a degrading fetich, a 
proclamation of dependence, a sign of submission, an 
acknowledgment of servitude, a confession of in¬ 
feriority, a demand for homage, an emblem of de¬ 
basement. We love our flag, Jehovah’s flag and ours; 
and we rally to it to defend it. You rally to England’s 
flag—Oh, the pity and the shame of it, my brothers— 
to be defended by it. ^What could harm you, if you 
should stand alone with Jehovah, and under none 
but Him?* There are seven millions of you, as brave 
men as tread the Earth: you deserve a braver nation¬ 
hood. Look at little Haiti and San Domingo. 

Oh, why don’t you make a flag of your own? 


36 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


Why don’t you join the triumphant American army 
of Jehovah, God of Hosts, strike hands with this 
happy Western brotherhood of freedom, and march 
with the free republics of America? 

* * * * 

And ye of British Columbia—Oh, I would I 
could say, ye of American Columbia,—whose moun¬ 
tains gaze upon the coast, and the coast upon the sea, 
’tis a far cry from Vancouver to the British Isles. 

We face a common danger: ours must be a com¬ 
mon defense. The Anglo-Japanese international 
plunderbund would make of the North Atlantic 
another St. George’s Channel, and of the North Pa¬ 
cific another Gulf of Japan. This Anglo-Japanese 
plunderbund would make of California, Oregon and 
Washington another Corea, and of British Columbia 
and Alaska another Manchuria. 

/No continental coast ever has been defended suc¬ 
cessfully by a fleet; nor ever will be/ Who would 
be free, themselves must strike the blow. For you 
and for us, it is God and our own strong arm. He 
never meant this glorious continental coast to be ruled 
by Japan’s, nor by England’s, distant, little islands. 
For this North-American Pacific slope awaits, please 
God, a destiny as great and as benign as the floods 
of the Columbia and of the Yukon are great among 
the rivers of the Earth. Our common coast of our 
common continent is too great, too rich, too precious 
to become, or to remain, an appanage of a little island 
five thousand miles away to the West, or to the East. 
By the rugged seam of the Rocky mountains, Jehovah 
hath sewed our coast and our common destiny to this 
American continent. Whom God hath joined together, 
let not man put asunder. 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


37 


Think you that you could be attacked, and we not 
leap to your defense? We know no dividing line 
between you and us. To us forty-nine and fifty-four 
are only map-terms of no significance politically, com¬ 
mercially, socially nor territorially. Higher than po¬ 
litical relations, stronger than political ties, ours is 
the kinship of the North-American Pacific coast. As 
well try to plow a dividing furrow in the Pacific as 
to erect artificial political barriers between us dwellers 
by the Western sea. We will not believe that you 
will, that you can, turn traitor to America, and seek 
to link this Pacific coast with the accursed Anglo- 
Japanese plunderbund. We depend upon you to pre¬ 
vent it: we cannot believe that you will fail your¬ 
selves and us. 

* * * * 

Listen, Canadians all, from Vancouver to the 
straits of Belle Isle: Listen, as if it were a message 
from Heaven to you. 

As possessors of free will, God gives to each 
nation the choice of its destiny. Jehovah has given 
you the choice of yours. As you shall decide this 
question of imperial federation, so fix you your 
fate, and that of your children, and of your children’s 
children through all the future tides of Time. 

But not the fate of Canada. Canada is not yours, 
but Jehovah’s, whose is the Earth and the fulness 
thereof. You and we and all mankind are but His 
tenants at will. God made Canada American; and 
American, please God, Canada will remain. 

If you shall decide to link your national destiny 
with that of England as an active partner in a British 
imperial federation, Jehovah will dispossess you, as 
unworthy of America; and will give Canada to another 


38 AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNIOtf. 

nation, a free nation, owing allegiance to none but 
Him, and bringing forth the fruits of righteousness. 
* * * * 

As to Mr. Barker’s three Canadian propositions 
quoted above, little comment is required. 

To the first, it may be replied that, not since Eng¬ 
land and France, in 1859-60, combined against the 
United States, and through five long years strove to 
rive apart this republic, has been a European coalition 
against this country. And that itself was not a 
European coalition: it was an Anglo-Napoleonic coali¬ 
tion, from which Russia, Prussia and the other Euro¬ 
pean nations held aloof. England never has refused 
to join a European coalition against us; and it is to 
be hoped that she never will have the chance. For 
more than a dozen years England has been in an 
Anglo-Japanese coalition against the United States; 
which fact we ever keep alta in mente repositum. 

To Mr. Barker’s second Canadian proposition, it 
may be replied that, however difficult the task of 
conquering Canada, the United States would under¬ 
take it, sooner than see North America linked up 
with England in an active federation, which would 
import European and Asiatic wars into this continent. 

To Mr. Barker’s third Canadian proposition, it 
may be replied that that is England’s concern, not 
ours. As Jehovah shall enable us, we will endeavor 
to meet any foreign force that England shall be able 
to recruit against us. 

* * * * 

That concludes our examination of Mr. Barker’s 
article. Little more remains to be said. 

And after these things, I saw another angel come 
down from heaven having great power; and the 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


39 


Earth was lightened with his glory. And he cried 
mightily with a strong voice saying: 

Britain the Great is fallen, is fallen, and is be¬ 
come the habitation of devils, and the hold of every 
foul spirit, and the cage of every unclean and hateful 
bird. For all nations have drunk of the wine of the 
wrath of her fornication; and the kings of the Earth 
have committed fornication with her; and the mer¬ 
chants of the Earth are waxed rich through the abun¬ 
dance of her delicacies. 

And I heard another voice from heaven saying: 

Come out of her, my people, that ye be not par¬ 
takers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her 
plagues. For her sins have reached unto heaven; 
and God hath remembered her iniquities. Render 
unto her even as she hath rendered, and double unto 
her the double according to her works. In the cup 
which she hath mingled, mingle to her double: how 
much soever she hath glorified herself and waxed 
wanton, so much give her of torment and mourning. 

Her plagues shall come in one day, death and 
mourning and famine, and she shall be utterly burned 
with fire; for strong is Jehovah who hath judged 
her. * * * And the merchants of the Earth shall 
weep and mourn over her; for no man buyeth their 
merchandise any more. * * * The merchants of 
these things who were made rich by her shall stand 
afar off for the fear of her torment, weeping and 
mourning and saying, Alas, Alas, that great city, that 
was clothed in linen and fine purple and scarlet, and 
was decked with gold and precious stones and pearls. 
For in one hour so great riches shall come to nought. 

And every one that saileth anywhither, and 
mariners, and as many as gain their living by the sea, 


40 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


stood afar off, and cried out when they looked upon 
the smoke of her burning, saying, What city is like 
to the great city? And they cast dust upon their 
heads and cried, weeping and mourning, saying, Alas, 
Alas, that great city, wherein were made rich all that 
had ships in the sea by reason of her costliness; for 
in one hour is she made desolate. Rejoice over her ye 
saints and ye apostles and ye prophets; for God hath 
avenged you upon her. 

And a mighty angel took up a stone like a great 
millstone, and cast it into the sea saying, Thus, with 
a mighty fall, shall that great city, Britain, be thrown 
down, and shall be found no more at all; for thy 
merchants were the great men of the Earth; for with 
thy sorcery were all the nations deceived. And in her 
was found the blood of prophets and of saints and of 
all that were slain upon the Earth. 


* * * * 



V Shall the United States make a defensive alliance 
with England against all the rest of mankind? 
Jehovah forbid. My soul, come not into her secret; 
and to her assembly, mine honor, be not thou joined. 
Instruments of cruelty are in her habitation. Cursed 
be her anger; for it was fierce. And her wrath; for it 
was cruel. She shall be divided and scattered. 


* * * * 


From Thibet’s holy mountain, 
From India’s coral strand, 
Where Africa’s sunny fountain 
Rolls down her golden sand, 
From Burmah’s mighty river, 
From Egypt’s palmy plain, 
They cry, O God, deliver 
Our land from England’s chain. 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 


41 


Oh, let their cry of anguish 
Come up into thine ears. 
Attend to where they languish 
And weep with bitter tears. 
Oh, snap the hateful fetter. 
Oh, break the galling chain. 
Release the prisoned debtor 
To face thy skies again. 


In many a templed city 
The Hindu makes his moan. 
The Moslem’s plea for pity 
Besieges Allah’s throne. 

Make bare thine arm of power 
As in the days of old. 

Abase the haughty Giaour: 
Rebuke his lust of gold. 


Again, in bright resplendence, 
Thy glory shall we see, 

In India’s independence 
And Egypt’s jubilee. 

Through Chaldee hill and valley, 
Where ancient nations teemed, 
Oh, with Thy people rally 
Till Persia be redeemed. 


Oh, drive the alien raider 
From Afric’s sunny shore. 
Repel the fierce invader, 

And love thy land once more. 
Arise, Thy foes to scatter, 
Jehovah, God of Hosts. 

Their armies break and shatter, 
And drive them off the coasts. 


MOV 26 1913 


42 


AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. 

Oh, banish from the ocean 
The hated battle fleet, 

The bloodflow and commotion 
Where warring navies meet. 

Oh, let Thy peace and blessing 
Extend from shore to shore. 

Each land its own possessing, 

Let nations war no more. 


O Allah, Jove, Jehovah, 

By whate’er name acknown, 
Upon Thy Terra nova, 

Establish Thou Thy throne; 
Where peace and righteous order 
And love to God and man 
Prevaileth to the border, 
Beersheba unto Dan. 


And to Thy name be praises 
And glory without end, 

While heaven her dome upraises 
And skies above us bend. 

We’ll pray Thee and implore Thee, 
And strive Thy will to do. 

We’ll love Thee and adore Thee 
Eternal ages through. 













































































































































































































































































































































READER. 


H AS this book spoken true to your heart, 
to your judgment, to your conscience? 
Then you have your duty to do. See 
that this book is kept in constant circulation 
in the community where you live. Watch its 
progress from hand to hand, from home to 
home, from shop to shop, from office to office, 
from farm to farm. Don’t let it get stranded; 
rescue it from forgetful or neglectful hands, 
and push it out again into midstream of cir¬ 
culation. When it gets worn out, send a dime 
for another one. Perhaps you can keep three 
or four or half a dozen going at once. Call 
cottage meetings, and have a good reader 
read it out loud. Even if you do not agree 
with it; we Americans believe in free speech, 
and in hearing both sides of every public ques¬ 
tion. May this book prosper in that where- 
unto God hath sent it. 





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